HOPE not hate polled 24,954 people across the United Kingdom in December 2023 and January 2024, on a range of issues covering a range of socio-economic and political issues currently affecting the country.

Assessing the nuances and differences between Black and Minority Ethnic (BAME) respondents, it is evident that the concept of a universal ‘BAME attitude’ or a ‘BAME experience’ is increasingly inadequate. There is a discernible demand and responsibility for more sophisticated analyses of where, how and why these attitudes diverge, in order for politicians and policymakers to better understand and address the diverse needs of this group.

General mood 

Reflective of the mood of the country as a whole, the prevailing sentiment among BAME respondents reflects a pervasive sense of deterioration, predominantly attributed to the cost of living crisis. ‘Decline’ is the top word that BAME respondents associated with Britain today, with over half (59%) identifying the cost of living crisis as the biggest issue impacting them personally. 

Concurrently, there exists a palpable disillusionment with the political establishment, underscored by widespread disenfranchisement and perceptions of political inefficiency. More than half think the political system is broken (58%) and most feel unlistened to by those in power (59%). There is a large appetite for a change in Government (64%), however worryingly, less than half (42%) think that one of the main political parties reflects what they think. 

Despite comparable identification of the challenges that exist by BAME and white respondents, a notable divergence emerges concerning future outlooks. Despite being more likely to consider themselves disadvantaged in society (35% versus 27%), more likely to report struggling with the cost of living crisis (41% versus 32%), and more likely to report being affected by cuts to public health services (38% versus 34%), BAME respondents exhibit a greater propensity for optimism (63% versus 47%). 

Higher levels of resilience built up over generations of hardships may be an explanation for this, indeed this group are more likely than their white counterparts to think their life will be better than their parents (42% versus 35%). Similarly, prevailing ethos of ambition are common within migrant communities, and the concurrent ‘bootstraps’ mentality often necessitates optimism. 

Linked to this, while disadvantage and discrimination still exist, ethnic minorities have been making gradual progress in narrowing gaps with white people in terms of education, wages, and life expectancy, as well as general race relations. These ongoing advancements are likely to be given more positive weight by BAME respondents than white respondents, some of whom may actually view this negatively, contributing to a racial optimism gap. 

Race, immigration and multiculturalism 

As a collective, the BAME group are unsurprisingly progressive on issues related to race. They are more likely to acknowledge Britain’s institutional racism than white respondents (45% versus 33%), and the majority see multiculturalism as a success (68% versus 49%). With many being first, second or third generation immigrants themselves, they are overwhelmingly supportive of immigration as a benefit for Britain (72% versus 52%), and are half as likely to subscribe to right wing narratives that immigrants are going to ‘overwhelm us and destroy our democracy’ (27% versus 51%).

This is reflected in their support for liberal immigration policies across both asylum and economic migration. BAME respondents as a whole disagree with raising the annual income threshold for a spouse visa to £38,000 (65%), do not support the Rwanda plan (66%) and are in favour of increasing safe and legal routes, for example expanding family reunification to include parents (56%).  

However, the simplistic narrative of ‘BAME solidarity’ that often underlines assumptions about this progressiveness hides the nuanced attitudes within these communities, shaped by diverse cultural legacies and international contexts. Notably, disparities emerge concerning attitudes towards specific religious and cultural groups, highlighting the inadequacy of race as a sole determinant of ideological alignment, even about issues related to race itself. 

For example whilst generally BAME respondents appear tolerant of Muslims and are almost half as likely to view Islam as a ‘serious threat to Western civilisation’ (29% versus 47%), Islamophobia amongst Hindu respondents is akin to that of white respondents, a result of the mainstreaming of Hindutva politics within India and the diaspora. Similarly, Hindu nationalist narratives about immigration and ‘invasions’ of asylum seekers, specifically Muslims, overlaps with rhetoric peddled by far right actors. Over half (54%) of Hindus support the Rwanda plan, even if it means breaking or bypassing Human Rights laws and international treaties, closer to the attitudes of traditional far right audiences (64%) than BAME audiences (33%). 

Feminism

As a whole, the BAME group attitudes towards feminism and women’s rights are in line with broader society, with half (49%) having a positive view of feminists.

However, young BAME men are almost twice as likely to have negative views of feminists than young BAME women (45% versus 25%). This reflects trends arising in wider society; gender gaps are nothing new, but a tide of reactionary politics amongst young men is enhancing division along age and gender lines, where their attitudes are increasingly at odds with those of young women. Young men across all ethnicities are 3 times more likely than young women to call themselves ‘anti-woke’, reflective of a pushback against liberal attitudes, particularly regarding feminism. 

Perceptions of diminishing space for male agency is fostering scepticism towards feminist ideologies. Indicatively, these young men percieve feminism as hostile, morphing from a commitment to gender equality to an ideology aimed at punishing men; indicatively almost almost half think that feminism has gone ‘too far’ (43%).

Whilst the attitudes of young BAME men are akin to that of white young men, young BAME women are much less likely to have a positive view of feminists than young white women (56% versus 71%). This bolsters the wider ongoing discussions regarding the need for tailored narratives and inclusivity within feminist discourse.

LGBTQ+ issues

BAME attitudes towards LGBTQ+ issues exhibit a notable intolerance. Compared to their white counterparts, they’re less supportive of trans rights, diverse gender identities, and non-traditional family structures. 

Religious convictions are a likely cause of conservative attitudes here. 76% of BAME respondents identified as following a religion, compared to 53% of white respondents. 

Within wider society there is a divide between the attitudes of those who follow a religion and those that don’t, particularly when it comes to homosexuality, of which religion, particularly the Abrahamic faiths, generally takes a negative view. 67% of non-religious respondents agree that gay couples should be able to adopt children, dropping to 53% for religious respondents. 

This drops even further for BAME respondents – only one third (35%) think that gay couples should be able to adopt children. The influence of religion is more pronounced here as cultural defence often results in ethnic minorities in the UK practising a higher level of religiosity; not only do more of them practise a religion, but to a higher strictness, resulting in more conservative attitudes. 

Again however we see diversity in perspectives within the BAME community. Black respondents are almost twice as likely to disagree with gay adoption than Asian respondents (39% versus 23%). Furthermore, 34% of Muslims disagree with gay adoption, twice that of Hindus (15%) and Sikhs (17%), suggesting large divergence even within the Asian responses. This is a perfect example of how topline analysis of BAME attitudes devoid of drilled-down dissection can lead to at best clunky and at worse entirely misguided representations of ethnic groups and religions. 

Also interesting is the negligible impact that age has on BAME respondents’ attitudes towards LGBTQ+ issues. Whereas cultural transitioning and the tendency for third and fourth generation immigrants tend to display lower levels of religiosity would suggest that young BAME respondents would be more liberal, their views remain in line with the older BAME respondents, as do the percentages of those who identify as religious. Again we see the cut through of the reactionary, anti-woke movement amongst young people, here exacerbated with the influence of religion, influencing attitudes. 

Conspiracy theories and antisemitism

Alarmingly, BAME respondents were more likely to endorse antisemitic conspiracy theories than white respondents. A third believe that Jewish people have an unhealthy control over the world’s banking system and they are twice as likely to engage in Holocaust denial – 1 in 5 believe that the official account of the Holocaust is a lie and that the number of Jews killed has been exaggerated.

Racial differences are not often explained by common theories regarding antisemitism. Influenced by antisemitic tropes about wealth and power in contrast to the discrimination they themselves face, BAME respondents are potentially more likely to excuse anti-Jewish behaviour and attitudes as ‘punching up’, and therefore acceptable.

Furthermore current events in Israel and Palestine, specifically the UK’s initial unwavering support of Israel’s right to self defence at odds with the 41% of BAME respondents who solely support the Palestinian side, is likely to be adding fuel to the fire and opening up more doors to antisemitic conspiracy theories for some. 

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It is evidently insufficient to look only at broad racial categories as a determinant of experiences or attitudes. Diverging views within the BAME group clearly highlights how oppression by the same racial power structures does not produce a homogenous worldview, even on issues related to race and racism. As in wider society, the intersection and interplay of various identities like age, religion, gender and ethnicity introduces intricate fault lines within and between the BAME community. 

Examinations of the complex and divergent realities and perspectives within this group are needed to depart from outdated notions of a homogenous BAME group. By continuing to act on the premise that such a group exists, politicians lazily and dangerously overlook real problems, but also miss potential opportunities and avenues for effective policy making.