With so much discussion about Reform UK’s success at the General Election, there has been a flurry of articles written about the party and Nigel Farage in particular. Worryingly, however, many of these refrain from calling the party “far-right”, in favour of an ever-expanding set of euphemisms and vague or invented terminology.
The media have used an array of terms to describe Reform UK, including “right-wing populist”, “classically right wing”, merely “populist”, or increasingly, the never defined term “hard right.”
Meanwhile Farage himself is described as everything from a “bog-standard Essex Man Thatcherite” to “a renegade nationalist conservative”.
However, in truth both Nigel Farage and Reform UK fit comfortably within any accepted definition of the term “far-right”.
In the words of Cas Mudde, the leading social scientist in the field: “Reform UK is far right! That is not an opinion, that is a fact!”
In March this year, apparently after being contacted by lawyers acting for then-leader Richard Tice, the BBC issued a correction and apologised to Reform UK for calling the party far-right. Tice then stated that they were “also in touch with other news organisations” for using the term, which he claimed was “defamatory and libellous”.
Clearly, one of the reasons so many journalists and media outlets have refrained from describing Reform UK accurately is through fear of legal repercussions. The party is adamant that it is not far-right and is willing to litigate the point.
However, politicians rejecting the label is nothing new, with most of those who fit into accepted definitions of “far-right” feigning outrage when accurately described. Many Reform UK voters and activists genuinely see themselves not as extreme or fringe but rather as ordinary, normal exemplars of “the people”.
For this reason, those who oppose this supposed oppression are categorised by their supporters, not as modern versions of fascist or far-right “heroes” from yesteryear, but rather as new incarnations of traditionally progressive civil rights heroes or freedom fighters.
This stubborn refusal to accept that they are far-right is sometimes contrived but is often genuinely held. Of course, that does not make it true. Their refusal to self-identify as far-right doesn’t mean they aren’t.
As well as the threat of legal action, and Reform UK’s rejection of the label, the reticence of many journalists to accurately describe the party as far-right is likely based on a misunderstanding how to actually define it.
For many people, the terms far-right and fascist are mistakenly interchangeable, creating an inaccurate expectation that the label “far-right” should only be applied to swastika-waving skinheads and Third Reich apologists. Despite having attracted its fair share of these sorts of extremists, the party itself is not fascist. But that doesn’t mean it isn’t far-right.
In reality, “far-right” is an umbrella term, and while useful, it is not a monolith, which is why academics and practitioners split it further into its constituent parts.
The historians David Renton and Neil Davidson essentially divide the right of the political spectrum into conservatives, the non-fascist far right, and fascism. In these definitions, Reform UK sits comfortably in the “non-fascist far right” category.
Similarly, Cas Mudde divides the term far right into the “radical right” and the “extreme far right”. The latter “rejects the essence of democracy, that is, popular sovereignty and majority rule” while the radical right “accepts the essence of democracy, but opposes fundamental elements of liberal democracy”.
The latter describes Farage and Reform UK well, as the party rejects key elements of liberal democracy, most notably the concept that every human being has inherent dignity and universal rights. Perhaps the best example is Farage’s own history of racism, xenophobia and misogyny and his calls for Britain to leave the European Convention on Human Rights.
In addition, while Reform UK generally accepts democracy, Farage has a worrying track record of seeking to undermine institutions and the wider democratic process. Like his close ally Donald Trump, Farage has regularly disputed election defeats, including in Oldham in 2015, Peterborough in 2019 and Rochdale in 2024.
Another key element of radical right politics is a belief that the nation is in decay or crisis and radical action is required to halt or reverse it. The “nation”, however defined, usually includes an in-group that perceives themselves to be under threat and an out-group/enemy. For Reform UK, this out-group is currently asylum seekers, Muslims and Islam more generally.
Much of the radical right can also be described as “populist” which Mudde defines as “a (thin) ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, the pure people and the corrupt elite, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people.”
Despite being a millionaire, Farage has always been adept at presenting himself and his parties as defenders of “the people” against the “corrupt elite”. Most Reform UK supporters are united by a deep distrust of politicians and the political system more generally, believing that there is a devious and sinister “elite” — sometimes domestic, sometimes international — who oppress and control them, often with the “tool” of political correctness.
With all this in mind, it is clear that Reform UK and Farage can and should be called simply far-right or populist radical right.
The reason that Tice described being called far-right as “defamatory and libellous” is because, despite all the sloppy usage, it remains a powerful term.
People who are widely accepted as being far-right are usually still marginalised from mainstream politics and discourse. However, part of the reason that figures like Farage can vault the cordon sanitaire so often and so easily is because many, perhaps even most, deny that he is a far-right figure. One of the main reasons for this is because too many journalists and media outlets refuse to accurately describe him and Reform UK as such.
Of course, the problem is broader than just Farage. The reticence to accurately describe policies and statements by supposedly “mainstream” commentators and politicians is a key factor in the normalisation of far-right politics.
The term “far-right” still has some power and if accurately deployed it can help slow or maybe even reverse the normalisation and mainstreaming of far-right parties and politicians like Reform UK and Farage. So call them far-right!
Reform UK’s rise is a threat to our communities, spreading division and pushing far-right ideas. In the 2024 General Election, they garnered 4.1 million votes, making it the largest GE vote share ever for a far-right party in the UK.. Download the report today for analysis on why this happened and what we can do to stop them.
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